4: The Climate Citizen

4: The Climate Citizen mjg8
Cartoon of the Copenhagen Climate Summit suggesting that efforts to reduce climate change might make the world a better place based on a 'hoax'

Cartoon by Joel Pett run in USA Today right before the Copenhagen Climate Summit in 2009.

What if? Cartoon of the Copenhagen Climate Summit suggesting that efforts to reduce climate change might make the world a better place, based on a 'hoax'. Presenter has a slide that says "Energy Independence, Preserve Rainforests, Sustainability, Green Jobs, Livable Cities, Renewables, Clean Water/air, Healthy Children, Etc". An audience member stands up and asks, "What if it's a big hoax, and we create a better world for nothing?"

Credit: Joel Pett. "What if it’s all a big hoax, and we create a better world for nothing!” USA Today. December 13, 2009.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) synthesizes the work of thousands of professional climate scientists and publishes their consensus findings every five years or so. With virtually no dissent amongst the contributing scientists, the IPCC concludes that climate change is happening as a result of human activity, that it is getting worse, and that it will continue to worsen in the future. The facts are clear and incontrovertible. In October 2018, the IPCC released this Special Report about the likelihood of containing warming to 1.5C with the commitments under the Paris Climate Agreement, sounding an alarm that more action is required, particularly in the next few decades and the most recent full report - AR6, released in 2022 - provides further evidence that humans have impacted the climate and that we are on a path toward an increasingly estabilized future.

Why is it then that, if there is no disagreement amongst the experts, that a majority of Americans remain unsure if human activity is the cause of climate change? Why do many people think that climate scientists disagree about climate change? Why do so many people trust politicians and radio talk show hosts more than climate scientists as reliable sources of information on climate science?  And, frankly, how and why has something as incontrovertible as climate science become such a political hot potato?

This lesson will explore these questions. As we think about our prospects for climate action, at all scales of governance, but perhaps most notably at the local scale, understanding the underlying belief systems informing our citizens is key to effectively framing the conversation around climate change responses. Let's look at climate change skeptics and deniers, ardent climate change believers, and middle-of-the-road climate change pragmatists and think about what kinds of mitigation and adaptation measures may appeal to these disparate groups.  If we are to have any hope of solving this crisis, we need to understand how to successfully engage with people whose understanding of the science differs from the consensus and whose ideological beliefs perhaps conflict with our own.  We're all in this together, whether we like it or not.

About this Lesson

By the end of this lesson, you should be able to:

  • describe the difference between climate skeptics, deniers, centrists, concerned, and alarmists;
  • understand the concept of manufactured doubt about climate change.

What is due this week?

This lesson will take us one week to complete. You are responsible for this lesson content, external assigned readings, and lesson activities. Please refer to Canvas for deliverables and due dates.

Questions?

If you have questions, please feel free to post them to the "Have a question about the lesson?" discussion forum in Canvas. While you are there, feel free to post your own responses if you, too, are able to help a classmate.

Six Americas

Six Americas bjn151

In 2009, the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication published Global Warming's Six Americas which identified these 6 categories into which the American public falls based on their cultural, ideological, political, and other reasons for responding in a given way to the science of climate change.  They continue to update this study regularly and have greatly expanded upon the depth and breadth of the questions asked (see the Yale Climate Opinion Maps 2021 for a fascinating look).  We'll use this framework this week as we think about the importance of engaging our entire community in our climate change efforts, and not simply those whose ideas might align most closely with our own.

cartoon image illustrating the 6 categories (alarmed, concerned, cautious, disengaged, doubtful, dismissive) of Americans' views about anthropogenic climate change
Credit: Michael Sloan. "Global Warming's Six Americas." Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. 

The danger in generalizations: It's important to note that some of the material we'll discuss in this lesson includes generalizations that may not translate to truth at the individual level.  For example, while it's factually correct that more Republican lawmakers deny the existence of climate change than their Democratic counterparts, it is NOT true that all Republicans deny climate change and all Democrats support aggressive action.  So please keep this in mind as we work through some of these generalizations - there are certainly nuances to all of this.  (Check out RepublicEN and Climate Solutions Caucus, for examples.)

But, let's take a look at this graph depicting the League of Conservation Voters' scoring of members of the House and Senate on their environmental voting records from 1970 through 2016 (as recent as I could find comprehensive data for).  The divide is growing, and climate change is a big part of that. What was once roughly a 20 point separation is now about 80.  This graph is an important reminder that climate does not have to be a politically divisive issue, even if it is in our current politics.  Remember, some of the earliest efforts to address climate change involved market-based approaches like cap-and-trade systems sponsored by Republicans like John McCain.  And we can look further into the history of major environmental legislation to find that some of our hallmark laws passed under Republican-controlled administrations, such as the formation of the EPA and many seminal federal policies such as the Clean Water Act and Clean Air Act when Richard Nixon was president.

Graphic illustrating the growing chasm in voting patterns by party on environmental issues over the past several decades
Our growing political divide on environmental legislative measures
Credit: Dana Nuccitelli. "Conservative media bias is inflating America climate denial and polarization." Skeptical Science. September 6, 2016.

Six Americas Continued

Six Americas Continued bjn151

The characteristics for each of these categories is pulled from the 2009 Global Warming's Six Americas research from Yale.

  • The Dismissive - they're sure climate change isn't happening (or at the very least is not caused by humans), it's not important to them on a personal level, and they don't worry about it; however, they contend they are well-informed and highly unlikely to change their mind; they think the scientific community does not agree on the causes of climate change or that the scientific consensus is not widespread. Within this group are those who believe that climate change is not happening--a subgroup we could also call climate change deniers.  Note that noat all in. the dismissive group are climate change deniers.
  • The Doubtful - these folks aren't sure if it's happening or not, but like the dismissive group, this issue is not important to them on a personal level and they don't worry about it.  While they also believe there is a lot of disagreement among scientists, the Doubtful consider themselves less informed on the issue than the Dismissive. And while the Dismissive group does not see climate change affecting people in the US ever, the Doubtful think it won't affect people in the US for at least 100 years, but that it could after that.  We could also call this group climate change skeptics.
  • The Disengaged - this is an interesting group because they identify as the most likely to change their minds on the topic.  So while they haven't previously thought much about the issue broadly or from a personal perspective, and they only know a limited among about it, some disengaged folks do believe people are the cause of the change, but they just don't know enough about it to know whether scientists agree on that.  They give just a 30-year time horizon for impacts to negatively affect the US.
  • The Cautious - these people haven't thought too much about the issue, but they are open to the idea that humans are causing the changes we see in the climate.  And while it might not be of high personal importance or perceived threat to them, they recognize the future threat it poses.
  • The Concerned - these folks understand the scientific consensus on the issue but are decidedly not as emphatic as the Alarmed.  And while they might not think it's currently a problem for people in the US, they only put the time horizon on it becoming a problem at about 10 years.  Generally, they feel relatively well-informed about the issue, but haven't devoted as much time to it as the Alarmed.
  • The Alarmed - this portion of the population is most convinced about climate change; it's very important to them, and they're really worried about it.  They believe themselves to be very well-informed and, much like the Dismissive group on the other side, they are highly unlikely to be persuaded away from their current stance on the issue.  They view climate change as a current threat to themselves and others.

It's important to note that misinformation at either end of the spectrum - either from Alarmists (which could be described as a small faction of the Alarmed category as described by the folks at Yale) or the Dismissive is problematic in advancing sensible and appropriate action to address the causes and consequences of climate change.  For instance, ten years ago, it wasn't yet clear whether climate change would cause more intense and more frequent hurricanes; but we now understand that it is more likely and will continue to do so.  The disagreements among scientists on this topic were pretty intense. Climate alarmists, like their dismissive counterparts, tend to leave little room for doubt or caveats. In contrast, climate scientists tend to be a cautious lot and usually prevaricate by using terms like “likely,” “unlikely,” “possible,” and “probable.” Many of the topics that used to be relegated only to alarmists (such as hurricane intensity) have been proven with rigorous and replicable science, and so the line between a climate change alarmist and centrist is getting a bit blurrier.  

As the current instructor, I would like to add to these points. I have been involved with climate policy and private sector climate action for many years at the local, state, federal, and international level. It is interesting to note that underlying some of the disagreement among the above-mentioned categories of people is the frame of reference. It is important to be on the same page as to what those in these categories are arguing. For example, I have encountered many who are completely on board that climate change is an issue, and believe it is happening, but when the dialogue gets more detailed, disagreement arises. For example, I have noted that the following subtopics tend to be the root of many differences, even among climate change “believers,” but are often mistaken as generalizations of “believers and non-believers.” These include:

  • How much of documented climate change is human-induced vs natural?
  • Have we examined a long enough period of time to draw conclusions?
  • Have we corrected for all possible natural aberrations?
  • What are the real impacts of climate change? (What? How severe? For how long?)
  • How impactful have global agreements really been vs more local actions?

The point is that substantive dialogue is important to look beyond misinformation and misunderstandings on what people are referring to and what their point of view is.

Shifting American Opinion on Climate Change

Shifting American Opinion on Climate Change bjn151

Because the Yale work on surveying public opinion on climate change began more than a decade ago now, it's starting to provide some interesting longitudinal data about how the American perception of climate change is evolving over time.  Let's take a look.  This first graph comes from the original 2009 publication.  

Yale 6 Americas climate change opinions
Credit:  Anthony LeiserowitzEdward Maibach and Connie Roser-RenoufGlobal Warming's Six Americas, 2009. Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. May 20, 2009

One decade later you can see opinions shifting toward concern and alarm:

And here is December of 2022, which interestingly (and alarmingly) shows that opinion shifted just a bit to the right despite record-breaking heat waves, wildfires, and other signs of climate change:

Yale 6 Americas climate change opinions 2022

There are three images that show the proportion of the U.S. adult population hold specific attitudes towards climate change. The attitudes are, from the highest belief in global warming/most concerned/most motivated to lowest belief in global warming/least concerned/least motivated are alarmed, concerned, cautions, disengaged, doubtful, dismissive. The following table shows the data of each category from 2009, 2018, and 2022.

American's attitude towards climate change over time
Attitude200920182022
Alarmed182926
Concerned333027
Cautious191717
Disengaged12511
Doubtful11911
Dismissive7911
Credit:  Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. September 10, 2023

But what does this shift mean for meaningful and effective action to address climate change? We can see that the Alarmed group (which, if you remember, are the folks that unequivocally believe climate change is happening, that humans are the cause of it, and that it's already affecting people in the US) saw the most marked change - jumping from 18% of survey respondents to 29% in 2019 and 26% in 2022.  The 3% and 6% decrease in Concerned individuals is likely at least partially explained by moving from Concerned to Alarmed.  And while these numbers are encouraging from the perspective of engaging in meaningful policy measures to address climate change, there's also something going on at the other end of this spectrum.  The percentage of Dismissive has gone up by 2% then 2% again.  Are we simply becoming more polarized in our views? Take a look at the Disengaged group and remember that they were identified as the group most likely to change their opinion on the topic.  They've gone from 12% to just 5% over one decade, then up to 7%.  It appears that the American people are becoming more solidified in their stance on climate change. It will be interesting to follow these trends as climate policies change from administration to administration, and as weather patterns continue to get weird and "natural" disasters continue to occur. 

Common Arguments Against Climate Science

Common Arguments Against Climate Science mjg8

Here are five common lines of argument climate change deniers or skeptics may use. These lines tend to be hierarchical. But first, a note about semantics: I use the term "deniers" to refer to individuals who refuse to accept well-founded scientific evidence and/or logic and/or increasingly, basic reality. "Skeptics" are individuals who accept evidence, but who may have some doubts or otherwise would like firm proof. Remember that scientists are skeptics, at least legitimate ones. Skepticism is at the core of the scientific method after all, as the purpose of good science is to try to disprove theories.

  1. There is no conclusive evidence that climate change is happening. This argument ignores the global body of scientific research demonstrating that climate change is happening. Alternatively, to counterbalance the overwhelming weight of climate science research, it selectively uses the relatively few inconclusive empirical studies conducted by credible scientists or work written by fellow deniers but discredited by mainstream climate scientists.
  2. The changes in measured temperatures are part of the natural cycle. These deniers are admitting that there is climate change, but not that it is anthropogenic. On the surface, this argument is much more plausible than the first argument. However, climate scientists have gone to great lengths to develop methods that show how anthropogenic climate change rises above the natural signal (the so-called “fingerprinting” of climate change). Moreover, some argue that the more important natural cycles should be causing global cooling at present.
  3. Climate change and CO2 are good. Skeptics who take this line of argument are acknowledging that climate change is happening, and that humans may be causing it, but they extoll the virtues of climate change and are skeptical of potential negative impacts. For example, they claim that agriculture will benefit from higher temperatures, increased rainfall, expansion into northern latitudes, and the fertilization effect of CO2. Climate scientists, ecologists, and agronomists have shown that negative impacts far outweigh positive effects of climate change on agriculture. In fact, the weight of evidence suggests that negative impacts will swamp positive impacts in all sectors.
  4. The scale of climate change is not sufficiently large to take action beyond sensible least-cost measures. This line of reasoning accepts that climate change is likely, that it is human-induced, and that most impacts are negative. Nonetheless, these skeptics do not believe that climate change will be as bad as mainstream science thinks it will be. As time goes by, however, observed climate changes are greater, and observed impacts are worse than originally projected by climate scientists. Although most experts agree that it is prudent to use least-cost measures when possible, they also agree that combating climate change cannot be cheap because the scope is so large.
  5. The economic impact of making substantial cuts in greenhouse gas emissions on the scale suggested by the IPCC and other groups is too large. This final line of reasoning by skeptics accepts the conclusions of climate scientists but says that society cannot afford to make the cuts needed to stave off the worst impacts of climate change. Numerous analyses, however, show that the ultimate cost to society of inaction or limited action will be far greater than the cost of robust responses to climate change. Delaying action now necessitates more aggressive action in the future, which is likely to be more expensive.

Meet me in the middle?

Meet me in the middle? mjg8

Senators Joe Lieberman (D-Connecticut) and John McCain (R-Arizona) authored an early and innovative cap and trade program for US emissions, recognizing the opportunity for a market-based solution to an environmental problem.

Today, American politics appears to be polarized, with loud voices on the left and right drowning out anybody in the middle. This tendency extends to views on climate change, with dismissives and alarmists dominating public discourse. As in politics, there are many individuals and organizations in the middle of the climate debate that have difficulty being heard. These so-called climate centrists acknowledge that humans are warming the Earth and that it is prudent to be good stewards of the natural services provided by the climate system. Although their philosophical and political homes may be in the right or left wings, they challenge their peers on the right and left to act on mitigating climate change. They offer innovative, yet common sense solutions to the problem. When all is said and done, our greatest hope may lie with these in the middle.

We don't *have* to be polarized on climate change based on our political preferences. The Climate Solutions Caucus demonstrates that. As does our long history of important environmental and climate-related initiatives supported and in some cases spearheaded by conservatives.

Manufactured Climate Science Uncertainty

Manufactured Climate Science Uncertainty mjg8

Sometimes, strong opponents of climate science use dishonest or unethical tactics to counter climate change science. This can create a false equivalency in the climate narrative, in which public news outlets offer equal airtime to dissenting views, which leads viewers to believe that the jury is still out on climate science, and it masks potentially valid dialogue on the nuances with the subtopics we've mentioned.

One of the most condemning indictments of deniers’ culpability is a 2007 publication by the Union of Concerned Scientists, “Smoke, mirrors and hot air: How ExxonMobil uses big tobacco’s tactics to manufacture uncertainty on climate science.” Here is the executive summary from that report:

In an effort to deceive the public about the reality of global warming, ExxonMobil has underwritten the most sophisticated and most successful disinformation campaign since the tobacco industry misled the public about the scientific evidence linking smoking to lung cancer and heart disease. As this report documents, the two disinformation campaigns are strikingly similar. ExxonMobil has drawn upon the tactics and even some of the organizations and actors involved in the callous disinformation campaign the tobacco industry waged for 40 years. Like the tobacco industry, ExxonMobil has:

  • Manufactured uncertainty by raising doubts about even the most indisputable scientific evidence.
  • Adopted a strategy of information laundering by using seemingly independent front organizations to publicly further its desired message and thereby confuse the public.
  • Promoted scientific spokespeople who misrepresent peer-reviewed scientific findings or cherry-pick facts in their attempts to persuade the media and the public that there is still serious debate among scientists that burning fossil fuels has contributed to global warming and that human-caused warming will have serious consequences.
  • Attempted to shift the focus away from meaningful action on global warming with misleading charges about the need for “sound science.”
  • Used its extraordinary access to the Bush administration to block federal policies and shape government communications on global warming.

The report documents that, despite the scientific consensus about the fundamental understanding that global warming is caused by carbon dioxide and other heat-trapping emissions, ExxonMobil has funneled about $16 million between 1998 and 2005 to a network of ideological and advocacy organizations that manufacture uncertainty on the issue. Many of these organizations have an overlapping — sometimes identical — collection of spokespeople serving as staff, board members, and scientific advisors. By publishing and republishing the non-peer-reviewed works of a small group of scientific spokespeople, ExxonMobil-funded organizations have propped up and amplified work that has been discredited by reputable climate scientists.

ExxonMobil’s funding of established research institutions that seek to better understand science, policies, and technologies to address global warming has given the corporation “cover,” while its funding of ideological and advocacy organizations to conduct a disinformation campaign works to confuse that understanding. This seemingly inconsistent activity makes sense when looked at through a broader lens. Like the tobacco companies in previous decades, this strategy provides a positive “pro-science” public stance for ExxonMobil that masks their activity to delay meaningful action on global warming and helps keep the public debate stalled on the science rather than focused on policy options to address the problem.

In addition, like Big Tobacco before it, ExxonMobil has been enormously successful at influencing the current administration and key members of Congress. Documents highlighted in this report, coupled with subsequent events, provide evidence of ExxonMobil’s cozy relationship with government officials, which enable the corporation to work behind the scenes to gain access to key decision makers. In some cases, the company’s proxies have directly shaped the global warming message put forth by federal agencies.

As far back as 1978, one of Exxon's own scientists warned that increasing CO2 emissions could have negative consequences. (Click here for the internal memo from 1978 - it is an interesting, and surprisingly accurate!) You can see a timeline of many of Exxon's (now Exxon-Mobil) warnings about climate change and actions resisting efforts to address it from Greenpeace here.

There are many sad conclusions that emerge from this and other efforts of deniers. Scientists have had their research vilified and their motives and ethics questioned. The public has become distrustful of scientists and as a result has grown increasingly skeptical about climate change. Ultimately, deniers’ tactics have delayed mitigation and worsened climate change, with the public suffering the consequences. 

As clear cut as this sounds, the Union of Concerned Scientists has itself experienced challenges as to their motives and accuracy. All this simply means is that the Climate Citizen has a responsibility to be informed, and willing to do the work necessary to get there.

Listen in as the University of Pennsylvania's Michael Mann (formerly a Penn State professor) discusses How Climate Change Denial is Ruining Our Planet on WPSU.

[ Music ]

Welcome to Take Note on WPSU; I'm Patty Satalia [phonetic]. Polls show that the overwhelming majority of Americans recognize the urgency of acting on human induced climate change. So why haven't we done more to address the problem? Today's guest says politicians are doing the bidding for powerful fossil fuel interests while ignoring the long-term good of the people they're supposed to represent. Michael Mann is a distinguished professor of meteorology and director of Penn State's Earth Systems Science Center. He was a member of the IPCC committee that won the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize for its work on climate change. His newest book, The Madhouse Effect, with editorial cartoonist Tom Toles, was released earlier this year. Thank you so much for joining us.

Thank you Patty, great to be with you.

The hockey stick graph became a central icon in the climate wars after it appeared in a 2001 UN report on climate change. You were the lead author of the original paper in which that first hockey stick appeared. First explain to us what that hockey stick graph is and what it has come to represent.

Sure. Well we only have about a century of widespread thermometer measurements around the world. And those thermometer measurements tell us that the globe has warmed, it's warmed about a degree Celsius, that's about a degree and a half Fahrenheit. What the thermometer records can't tell us alone, is how unusual is that warming? And how might it be tied to what we're doing with the burning of fossil fuels. Back in the late 1990's, my coauthors and I attempted to address that question by turning to what are known as proxy climate records. These are things like tree rings, and corals, and ice cores.

Another way to look at what the temperature was?

Absolutely they're natural archives. That just by their very nature record something about climate conditions in the distant past. And we used an array of those data to reconstruct the large-scale temperatures in past centuries, in fact going back 1000 years. And ultimately it led to a curve depicting temperature changes over time, which showed that the warming we've seen of the past century -- again about a degree and a half Fahrenheit, is unprecedented as far back as we could go at the time a thousand years. And if you look at the shape of the curve, there's this sort of long-term cooling as you descend into the 17th, 18th, 19th centuries -- the Little Ice Age. And then, the abrupt warming that coincides with the industrial revolution. And it resembles a hockey stick with the abrupt warming representing the blade of the so-called hockey stick. The term was actually introduced by a distinguished colleague of mine Jerry Mahlman, who was the former director of Princeton's Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Lab.

So it's an easy to understand graph that in just a glance you know it illustrates how global temperatures have risen with the increase of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere because of industrialization.

Right, you don't have to understand the complex workings of the climate system, how a theoretical climate model works, any of that to understand what this curve is telling us. That there is something unprecedented in the warming that we're seeing today. And, by implication, it probably has to do with us, with what we're doing.

In your earlier book, The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars: Dispatches from the Front Lines, you describe this ongoing assault on climate science in the US. Give us a snapshot of who's waging this war, how it's being fought, and from your vantage point exactly what's at stake here?

Yeah, well, I mean the Earth literally does lie in the balance here. Because what we're talking about is the greatest challenge, the greatest threat that we've faced as a civilization. And whether we are willing and able to face that threat head-on. So you know we know decades ago when research -- medical research had determined that cigarettes, that tobacco products were causing cancer. The tobacco industry rather than accepting those findings and engaging in a worthy discussion about what to do about it, instead spent millions of dollars funding a disinformation campaign, a PR campaign to attack the science, to confuse the public and the policymakers. So this has been going on for decades. What the fossil fuel industry did in the 80s and 90s as evidence was growing that the burning of fossil fuels was causing warming of the planet and these other changes in our climate, faced again with increasingly convincing evidence rather than face the problem head-on and engage in that worthy discussion about what to do about it. Chose to spend tens of millions of dollars on a massive misinformation campaign, a disinformation campaign to confuse public and policymakers.

And we can say that the same sorts of things are happening within the NFL where they have scientists saying that these concussion studies are inaccurate, they're sowing doubt.

Yeah when I saw the movie, when I saw Concussion, it sent chills down my spine because the analogy is so striking.

You say that in the 1980's, 50 companies formed a consortium to oppose energy policy. It was made up of oil companies and others who sow doubt similarly to the way the tobacco industry did. Explain how when 97% of the top climate scientists in the country believe that man-made climate change is causing significant environmental damage. Who are these 3% of scientists who are denying that it's happening?

Well you know that's actually, that 3% is generous. One study that you referred to found that 97% of scientists, and 97% of the published articles in the field, agree with the consensus that the globe is warming, the climate is changing, and we're the cause. There is a very small percent, some studies find it less than 1% of sort of publishing scientists who argue the contrary. And invariably almost to a person typically they are allied with fossil fuel interests. They get funding from fossil fuel interests, they do public relations work for fossil fuel interests or conservative foundations tied to the fossil fuel industry like those tied to the Koch brothers. So that very small percentage of scientists who disagree with the overwhelming scientific consensus, in many cases they're acting more like advocates than scientists in their denial of the plainest of evidence.

You say that the intent of these contrarians who criticized your graph, and criticized the science, they're not interested in adding to the scientific conversation, their goal is to undermine the IPC and climate science. So my question is what are concerned citizens supposed to do about that? What can they do about that?

And you know there actually were -- it was a worthwhile debate in the literature about the methods we had introduced, the data we had used. Other scientists in a constructive effort produced reconstructions of their own using different data, different methods. That's how science works, and it really is -- skepticism is a good thing in science, it's part of the --

It's self-correcting.

Exactly.

Because I'll take a look at your research findings and I'll test them out on my own. And I'll either add to it or say there's something wrong here.

Yeah. The great Carl Sagan called it the self-correcting machinery that keeps science true, that keeps it aimed at an increasingly better understanding of the way the world works. And so I distinguish between that good faith back and forth, and ultimately it's led to you know an even more robust consensus within the scientific community that the recent warming is unprecedented now probably in many thousands of years. So that back and forth ultimately reaffirmed our key conclusions and introduced better methods. And we've all -- you know the scientific community has prospered as a result of that. But in addition to that you have what I would describe as not so good faith attacks. Efforts to discredit the hockey stick by discrediting me personally, by saying nasty things about me and not taking --

Character assassinations.

Character assassination absolutely. And not taking place within the legitimate scientific discourse: the peer reviewed literature, the give-and-take at scientific meetings. But on the editorial pages of conservative leaning newspapers and conservative websites.

You actually talked about this as Serengeti style attacks. Where scientists are literally isolated from the herd and personally attacked.

Yeah that's right. I coined the term the Serengeti Strategy, and it's the strategy that was deployed against me. And is now I see it being deployed against other young scientists who are vulnerable. They don't have tenure, they're not yet established. And when they come out with findings that have you know profound implications for climate change, which is inconvenient to certain vested interests -- fossil fuel interests. They too find themselves subject to attacks that are aimed at discrediting their work in the eyes of their colleagues. Isolating them, denying them funding, and ultimately it's to make an example of them -- for other scientists.

You say you received death threats.

I have. Some years ago there was police tape over the door to my office. In the Walker building at Penn State I had received an envelope containing a white substance. The FBI had to come in and check it out. So yeah you know it's not what I signed up for when I decided to major in math and physics as an undergraduate and go into the field of climate science. But it is part of the job description today. If you are a climate scientist out there talking about the science and the implications of the science, you better have a thick skin.

Well there are lots of people who say that we don't have enough good or effective communicators among scientists. Do you think scientists have a duty to defend the science and engage the public on climate change?

Indeed I do. I actually wrote an op-ed in the New York Times a couple years ago entitled: If You See Something Say Something. Which of course is the motto of our Department of Homeland Security. But it applies every bit as much to us as scientists. Where we are funded by the taxpayers to study this problem and it would be a dereliction of our responsibility were we not to report in clear and understandable terms both our findings and the implications that they have. Now that isn't to say that scientists should be trying to prescribe the policy solutions. I leave that to politicians, policymakers in good faith to do that. To debate the policies and there should be conservatives and progressives at the table. There's an equal place at the table for people of all political ideologies in that discussion. But we can't pretend that there's still a debate about the science, that policy discussion has to be premised on an acceptance of the scientific evidence. And that's where scientists play a key role.

You know and so often there is this false equivalence. Bob Inglis who is a conservative former congressman from South Carolina says: You know if you look at the 114th Congress, there are 118 climate deniers. That's 70% of the US Senate denies the scientific consensus on climate change. And yet 76% of the American public believes that this is a real problem.

Well you know there's a famous saying attributed to Upton Sinclair: It's very difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on him not understanding it. And of course it's a dated expression, it applies to men and women alike. But that I think is the fundamental problem here. We do have a number of politicians who are in the pay of the fossil fuel industry. Who see themselves as advocates for fossil fuel interests rather than objective arbiters of the evidence and what it implies.

You know there have been efforts over the years. I think of work you and other scientists did in creating realclimate.org to counter all of the misinformation that is on the Internet. And more recently the American Geophysical Union -- 700 scientists, their staff formed what they called a rapid response team. So that the scientists could respond to the media with inquiries about climate change. And I'm just wondering how effective are those sorts of things? And what role does the media play in sort of disseminating misinformation perhaps unwittingly?

Well you know I wish that all media organizations were as good as WPSU is. In both providing attention to this issue and providing objective opportunities to talk about issues like climate change. And there are a lot of really good science reporters, journalists out there doing their best. But it's an increasingly difficult atmosphere within which they work. You know the sort of world of click bait, where the more inflammatory or you know remarkable a headline, the more likely it is to get page views and clicks. And I think that leads to the sort of polarization in our discourse that we've seen. I think it makes it very difficult to discuss with nuance an issue like climate change. So I see both opportunities with the new media. And there are many scientists as you allude to, who are now out there and participating in social media and talking with journalists. I think over the last decade or two as the science has been under attack, we've actually seen a new breed of younger scientists who have emerged. Who are both interested in doing science, but they're passionate about communicating it to the public. And I think that's made a positive difference, but we operate in a pretty challenging media environment now. And issues like climate change don't often get the attention they deserve. And they're often covered in that sort of -- he said, she said, false balance way of --

And as Bob Inglis said you would need 97 scientists talking about the dangers of climate change on the stage. With three who were saying it's not happening for that to be an accurate equivalence.

Absolutely. In fact John Oliver, the comedian, did a segment where he had my good friend Bill Nye the science guy out on the set along with some guy you know named Joe off the Internet who doesn't believe in climate change right, as if it was a debate between the two of them. And then he invited 96 additional lab coat wearing scientists onto the stage to convey in obviously an amusing but very graphic way. How absurd it is that we treat an issue like this as if there's an equal weight on both the side of the science and the anti-science.

And that will bring us to your book in just a moment. So if you are just joining us this is Take Note on WPSU, I'm Patty Satalia. And our guest is Dr. Michael Mann, distinguished professor of atmospheric science and director of Penn State's Earth Systems Science Center. He's also co-author of The Madhouse Effect: How Climate Change Denial Is Threatening Our Planet, Destroying Our Politics, And Driving Us Crazy. You created this book with an award-winning -- a Pulitzer prize-winning editorial cartoonist by the name of Tom Toles. Explain how this book is different from other books on climate change. And why you use satire and humor to communicate to the public.

Yeah you know it's been -- you know if it weren't such a dire problem that we're talking about in this book, I would say it was a lot of fun writing it. And it was in a sense because I've been a fan of Tom Toles for many years. He does brilliant cartoons that many of your listeners have probably seen before. The square cartoons in the Washington Post with the little guy down in the corner. Which it turns out is Tom himself. You have to read that footnote, you have to read the small text. Because he's usually saying something quite witty and important, and it provides a context for the full cartoon. And you know I already -- we already mentioned John Oliver. I think one of the changes in our media culture is that it's become comedians who have the greatest opportunity to tackle some of the more contentious topics. Because our politics has become so polarized, and people are so bunkered in terms of their thinking and their opinions. Sometimes you need a way of trying to bring that wall down. And one of the ways of doing that -- one of the ways of disarming people of their preconceptions and misconceptions and biases, is through humor and satire. And I think we see that in our discourse today. I think it's part of why you know Stephen Colbert, and you know Samantha Bee, and John Oliver, and Bill Maher, why these comic figures have become such powerful voices in our discourse. And so you know Tom Toles is no different. He has engaged in what I would describe as perhaps the hardest hitting commentary on the issue of climate change, on the pages of the Washington Post in the form of his cartoons. And to be able to work with a, you know, a comic genius like him is obviously the opportunity of a lifetime. But more then that I think it provides this team of me -- a climate scientist who's interested in communicating to the public. And Tom Toles -- an editorial cartoonist who communicates to the public in a different way, to bring these tools together. That's what the book really represents.

You know you're also involved in something called 314 PAC, which is committed to getting pro-science candidates elected to Congress. I said just a moment ago that more than 70% of the 114th Congress is made up of climate deniers. Tell us a little bit about who's funding 314 PAC, how successful you were, and just how many pro-science candidates you got into office.

Yeah so I'm on the advisory board of the organization. My understanding is their funding comes from -- you know it's crowd raised funding, they get contributions. They have targeted scientists, a lot of the scientists. Some of your audience members if they are academic scientists may well have received you know correspondence from 314 PAC. It's an inside joke of course to those in the world of science and math, 3.14, you know pi. And so it is the case I think -- not that all scientists should want to become politicians, or would even be good politicians. But there are probably a select few individuals who have training in science, who also have both an interest and a proclivity for policy. And why shouldn't we be looking for folks like that to be in Congress. To make sure that there are people you know in you know the highest decision making levels of our government. Who have a very informed understanding of so many issues today that reflect the intersection of science and policy. Climate change obviously being just one. And there are a few folks, right now I think there are two physicists in Congress. And so they are a rare breed indeed. But I think you know organizations like 314 -- 314 PAC are really trying to provide support for scientists both to come into the world of policy, and ideally to be competitive and successful.

Before The Flood, which is a new National Geographic documentary film about climate change, it featured Leonardo DiCaprio as the narrator, it was screened at Penn State before the election and in other places around the country. And in a statement about the film, DeCaprio said: There is no greater threat to the future of our society then climate change. And it must be a top issue for voters this election season. Clearly it was not a top issue in this election season. And in fact it wasn't one question delivered by the moderators in the three national debates that we watched. The only question about climate change came from an audience member in the second debate. And his red sweater got more attention then the fact that he works for a coal fired power plant. Why didn't this rise to the level of importance that other things like jobs did in this election?

You know I've forgotten his name, we all knew his name at least for a little bit there. And even though he did work I think in the fossil fuel industry as you say, I thought his question was actually a pretty good one. It was about you know the fact that we have these competing goals. You know we want to grow the economy, we want to deal with environmental issues. And the good news is you can do both at the same time. You can you know walk and chew gum when it comes to solving environmental problems. Often you can grow the economy by solving these problems. And it was a worthy question, but it was only tangentially related specifically to the issue of climate change. And as you say Leo DiCaprio who I've come to know very well, and is I think a very effective spokesperson for this issue. As he said, and as you know we've had former admirals of the Navy who have said climate change is the greatest threat we face from a national security standpoint in the decades ahead. How is it that the greatest threat that we face as a civilization, was not on the agenda in these three or more debates in fact?

And in fact you said that one of the things that gave you optimism about a Trump presidency, effective January 21st 2017, is the fact that President Trump will be getting national security alerts that will lead him to know just what a national security threat climate change is. And yet here he is -- he has only attended two national security briefings. When he could have sat in on many many more at this point. How concerned are you about that? And are you still optimistic?

Well you know I will resist the -- you know the temptation to criticize a president elect. We have to give him you know his fair chance. And we have to hope and assume you know that he will ultimately communicate with national security leaders and other leaders, to make sure that his policy decisions are informed by the facts. The, you know, in the piece that you're referring to, I would say our optimism is somewhat tempered. Maybe I'd call it cautious optimism. Or a hopefulness that he will ultimately talk to national security leaders. And when he does they will tell him. Like you know admirals and generals have gone on record saying that climate change is you know one of the great security threats we face. He's going to be hearing that. If he's talking to our national security leaders he's going to be hearing that. And one has to hope that it may inspire him to think about this issue maybe in a different way from the way he's thought about it. Maybe he's thought that climate change is an issue of the environmental left, it's for granola chewing you know progressives. And I think if as he comes to understand that there are a lot of conservatives like Bob Inglis -- a former republican congressman who you mentioned. And national security leaders who are telling us that this is a real problem, it doesn't matter what your politics are. We need to do something.

In fact Bob Inglis says that Donald Trump's public stance on climate change -- which is that it is a hoax perpetrated by the Chinese, and his professional stance in terms of what he said for instance regarding his luxury golf course in Ireland, that climate change and sea level rising is a threat to his golf course, is diabolical.

Right. Do as I say not as I do. Well and again you could -- there is that conflict right. There's that internal contradiction in his actions, his deeds, and you know what he's said on the campaign trail. And if you're an optimist right you can hope that that -- that that inconsistency ends up being resolved on the side of what the actual facts have to say. That you know the fact that in his business decisions he has specifically had to deal with climate change. Let's hope that that informs the approach he takes to this issue as a president.

Getting back to Bob Inglis and actually an editorial that you just wrote for the American Scientific. Bob Inglis says that the problem with the way the left has framed this problem is that it's left handling the problem is framed only as a problem and not an opportunity. And you say that Donald Trump can achieve his primary goals if he recognizes and deals with the threat that climate change poses. Explain what you mean by that.

Yeah thanks. Yeah this is online at Scientific American, it's going to be in the next print issue of the magazine. And the point we make in the piece is that if Donald Trump wants to be true to his campaign promise, that he wants to bring manufacturing back to his country, well the only way that's going to happen is if we start competing with other countries like China which are moving ahead of us when it comes to clean energy. They're leading the world in the manufacturing of solar cells, solar panels. They recognize, and other countries recognize that this is the great economic revolution of our century, is the clean energy revolution. Now are we going to get left behind? Or are we going to cease upon that as an opportunity. Donald Trump has an opportunity to be a great president if he ceases upon that opportunity.

And many say that with or without us, the world is moving toward clean energy.

Absolutely. So we just have to decide whether we're going to get left at the train station, or whether we're going to get aboard this train into the 21st century.

So going forward if we don't take meaningful action soon, what level of environmental damage do you and other leading climate scientists foresee? And equally important what constitutes meaningful action?

Well meaningful action at this stage would mean making good on the commitments that we've already made.

The Paris Agreement for example.

Absolutely. The building on the progress that's been made over the last four to eight years. The Paris Agreement, the Clean Power Plan, various successes that we've seen and we're turning the corner. We see a rapid increase in renewable energy in this country, globally. We've seen carbon emissions globally, for the first time in decades, stopped increasing last year. Even as the global economy continued to increase. And we know that's because of this decarbonization of our economy. It has to happen faster. We've made some real progress, but if we are to avert truly dangerous and potentially irreversible changes in climate we've got to do even more. We've got to build on the success that we've seen in recent years.

And on that note we are out of time. Thank you so much for talking with us.

Thank you Patty.

That was Penn State climatologist Michael Mann director of the Earth Systems Science Center, and author with political cartoonist Tom Toles, of The Madhouse Effect: How Climate Change Denial Is Threatening Our Planet, Destroying Our Politics, And Driving Us Crazy. It's published by Columbia University press. To learn more check the links on our website wpsu.org/takenote. I'm Patty Satalia, WPSU.

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The Climate Citizen: Summary

The Climate Citizen: Summary mjg8

Exploration into climate change can be really fascinating.  If we have any hope of addressing the problem effectively, we need to understand the motivations of various actors, including the public.  Ultimately, the public puts elected officials in office, and therefore drive the policy narrative to some extent. And while the Yale framework of Six Americas provides us with a useful way of thinking about the issue, particularly in terms of how to frame the discussions depending on someone's ideology, it's important to always remember that we're all in this together, and it will take all of us to solve the problem.  The key is identifying those pieces of the climate change story that resonate with people who perhaps vote differently than we do, come from different cultural or educational backgrounds, or simply just hold different views.  Because so much of the action we take to solve the climate crisis has numerous cobenefits related to human health, environmental quality, and economic prosperity, it's actually not a big stretch to make the case for action.

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